Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001

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Palestinian people have a birthright to land. Jewish people have a historic right to the land.

What does this mean? How long does a land claim remain? Is it enough to say I was born here, my parents were born here, and their parents were born here?


Is that enough to say I have the right to land? How do indigenous people from around the world argue their case for land rights?

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If the Jewish community can initiate year-old land claims, what land claims can those descended from the Zulu, Native Americans, Celts, the Inuit, the Sami, the Mosquit, the Hawaiians and the Maori claim? What was the percentage of Jewish to non-Jewish people at the time of Balfour Declaration in this region? How many non-Jewish people lived in this region in ?

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For how long had this region been predominantly a Muslim region? For how long had there been a minority Christian, Druze and Jewish population? In responding to these questions it can be seen that both the Jewish and Palestinian communities can argue for land rights based on their ancestry. Although there is great diversity in the ethnicity of Jews for example compare the ethnicity of Indian, Yemeni, Egyptian, Russian or Black Hebrews and Palestinians for example compare the ethnicity of Circassian, Turkish, Levantine Arab and Bedouin both cultures have historic heritage to the land.

However, consider a comparison of Palestinian Non-Jewish to Jewish people over the period from Table 2.

Israel's Wars: From the 1947 Palestine War...

From Table 2 one can see:! How did land ownership change following the Balfour Declaration? An appraisal of Jewish land purchases by Stewart shows the following: In the thirty one years from the Balfour Declaration to the establishment of the State of Israel in , the Jews were only able to increase the proportion of Palestine they owned through purchase from around two to around seven per cent of the total. Security and justice need Those security and justice needs analysed in the following include a perception of a land right; a perception of victimization; a perception of violence against another; and a perception of one group acting in contrast to international law.

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Baruch Kimmerling , p. Institute for Palestine Studies. Washington DC, , p. This leads to the question of what insights does history provide in looking at this issue of persecution and discrimination of ethnic groups? The evidence, sadly would suggest that such persecution is universal. That is in general ethnic groups rise and fall; the exception is for ethnic groups to remain. History shows that new ethnic identities are formed, through intermarriage and the like, following invasion and war. Table 3 indicates such changes and reformations of ethnic groups.

One attitude is that Jewish people have been persecuted throughout history. An alternate reading of history is that group persecution—Jewish or otherwise, is evident throughout history. Social groups tend to form and disperse following invasion, colonization and warfare. Defeated groups ally with other subjected groups or are absorbed into the dominating group.

The presence of the Jewish community is an example of the resilience and robustness of Jewish culture. Regardless, in the Western world the Jewish people have been treated as politically expedient scapegoats.

The conventional Jewish view is that Jewish survival depends on their possession of a Jewish land, which can be a place of refuge for those Jews who choose to live outside Israel. Palestinian resistance was a result of perceived favouritism to the Jewish community by the international community. Meanwhile in British-mandate Palestine political, geographic, economic, social and religious control was taken from the non Jewish Arabic speaking ethnic majority. Instead the international community favoured the Jewish community over the Palestinian. This is evident given a predominately Arabic speaking and Muslim cultural region was transformed into a Hebrew speaking and Jewish cultural region in less than 30 years i.

Contemporary ethnic groups and examples of potential hereditary origins. This was especially common during the anti-British and anti-Jewish settlement revolt Note the heterogeneity of those people who identify themselves for example as English, German or Italian. Jewish resistance groups developed in response to offensive and defensive reasons.

Those groups included: Hashomer ; Haganah, and its special operations group Palmah ; the Stern Gang and Irgun led for a time by Menachem Begin, subsequent Prime Minister of Israel Prerequisites for Conflict Resolution The requisites for conflict resolution are the attainment of the eight fundamental needs, as discussed in chapter two.

The prerequisites for conflict resolution as a consequence of fundamental needs attainment include those measures that build hope, build trust and give evidence of non-violence, cooperation and inclusiveness. The signing of the Declaration of Principles on Palestinian Self-Rule in the Occupied Territories gave evidence on face value at least of the willingness of the Israeli and PLO leadership to recognize that each shares common needs of security, control, identity as well as meaning and justice.

However, there still exists a stalemate as the Israelis continue to hold the upperhand on security, control, identity and justice needs. This has been on the negotiating table and on the military and economic field.

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As such the Israeli government as the more powerful party may find benefit in ensuring a return to a needs-based conflict resolution system, as it is only through attainment of fundamental needs that peace is found. The Israeli government must recognise that security is only one criterion of the eight needs for peace, as identified in chapter two. Similarly the Palestinian leadership must recognise that justice too is only one criterion of the eight requisites for peace.

Israeli withdrawal from Jericho and Gaza Strip 2. Transfer of power to the PA 3. Such changes will affect the issues and strategies of negotiation with the PLO and with the wider regional community. Other more radical political parties to be taken into account include Shas the part of the Oriental Haredim; the religiously most extreme , Gush Enumin a significant party amongst the settlers ; as well as Palestinian influential groups like Hamas most influential in Gaza and Islamic Jihad most influential in the West Bank.

Freedman ed. Acts of violence by the Israeli army, settlers and by Palestinians would be a fifth issue to consider. Within this spectrum there is Labor and Likud which has a minimal redeployment stance of Israeli troops. The Likud Party historically was opposed to relinquishing even a minute amount of occupied territory. During the s under Shamir the Likud dominated government heavily subsidised houses for settlers.

The Arab-Israeli War of 1948 and Nakba explained

One position lying within the continuum includes dismantling some settlements but keeping those annexed within East Jerusalem. An argument for dismantling settlements includes the need to have a homogenous Palestinian territory. There is a total of settlers in the West Bank, settlers in annexed East Jerusalem, and within the remainder of the West Bank. As a consequence the Israeli government considered evacuation of seven Jewish families living in Tel Rumeida, located on a small hill in central Hebron.

This small number of very radical Jewish families was guarded by an entire army company. The creation of Har Homa settlements, post Oslo Accords. Jerusalem Positions on Jerusalem include partition, where at one end of the spectrum both East and West Jerusalem fall under full Israeli sovereignty, with Palestinian extraterritorial rights and a Palestinian capital in a Jerusalem suburb Abu Dis ; and at the other end of the spectrum full Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem with Israeli extraterritorial rights in the Old City.

Radical arguments against Israeli control of any part of Jerusalem include Islamists who argue that Israel and Jerusalem as the third holiest city to Islam must be controlled by Muslims. Diskin recorded that most Israelis thought Peres was better qualified for prime minister than Binyamin Netanyahu. The most well-known of these shared sovereignty plans was made by Yossi Beilin and Abu Mazen, where Abu Dis would be renamed Al- Quds, while leaving full control of Jerusalem to Israel. However, the one vote in the negative was the US, which used its veto to block the resolution.

This was the thirtieth time since that the USA had used its veto to prevent censure of Israel.

Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001
Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001
Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001
Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001
Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001
Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001
Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001
Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001 Survey of Arab-Israeli Relations 1947-2001

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